One of the preoccupations of the development community is the existence of a link between good governance practices and economic growth: the so-called ‘democratic dividend’.  While it is never that simple, the argument goes that democratic and standard economic reforms will be rewarded with investment, aid and ultimately sustained growth.

Some have also argued that people’s adherence to democracy is closely linked to whether they think they derive personal economic benefit from their country’s democratic practices. French academic Jean Pascal Daloz famously quoted a respondent to a survey who asked whether one can eat democracy. 

The empirical links between democracy, economic growth and personal welfare remain tenuous and circumstantial. But one of the obvious results of the current financial crisis is that people are paying closer attention to their governments’ accountability, transparency and general effectiveness. When times are good we don’t seem to mind government inefficiency and nontransparency too much. But when the well runs dry, governments come under much closer scrutiny.

In most countries in Europe and America one could argue that the majority of people have derived enough economic benefit to ensure at least their indifference to the governance practices of their country. The financial crisis is however changing all this.   Two recent articles by Naomi Klein and George Monbiot discuss the popular challenges that have been punctuating the media over the last few months: Greece, France, Britain, Latvia, Iceland, South Korea, Thailand  etc. The IHT even reports that Vladimir Putin authoritarianism could be challenged after the dramatic fall of the oil price and everything that that means for Russia. And one can guess that it is only Obama-mania that has saved the U.S. from a larger number public displays of citizen unhappiness.

Klein argues that many people are losing faith in their countries’ entire economic and governance ‘model”. As a result people don’t want a change in their representatives, but rather demand a change in the way in which they are represented. That they have had enough of voting every few years and then allowing their representatives to do as they wish.

Monbiot is even unhappier: “We are trapped in a spiral of political alienation. Politics isn’t working for us, so we leave it to the politicians. The political vacuum is then filled with heartless, soulless, gutless technocrats… Unmolested by the public, corporate lobbyists collaborate with this empty political class to turn parliament into a conspiracy against the public. Revolted by these phantoms, seeing nowhere to turn, we withdraw altogether, granting them even richer opportunities to exploit us.”

The financial tsunami that is washing over Europe and America has not arrived in the South just yet. But all the signs are that imports, aid and investments in developing countries will drop substantially over the next 12 months. Admittedly governments in the South are less important (lower tax/gdp and expenditure/gdp ratios) in peoples’ daily lives than they are in the North. But then again these governments do worse in most indicators of governance. So don’t be surprised if the governments in the South start feeling the heat from disgruntled citizens as well. 

The International Budget Partnership’s Open Budget Index provides evidence for what most unhappy citizens know intuitively. Most governments do not release enough information to allow citizens to examine their decisions and actions:

  • Almost all governments produce much more information than they deign to share with the public.
  • Most spending plans don’t give enough detail to allow citizens to see exactly what government is planning to spend.
  • Almost all reports on what governments actually spend are even less detailed than the original spending plans. 
  • Audit reports are almost always too late to be of use. And their findings, however incriminating, are almost never acted upon.
  • While some governments consult citizens on their budget decisions, such consultations are almost always of the window dressing variety.

Everywhere it seems that people have had enough of such clandestine government. The cash crunch is putting more focus on the hidden corners of government activity. While we are in for a few tough economic years, we may emerge from the crisis with governments that are more responsive to the needs of the people that they represent.

The current debate on aid effectiveness makes one think that donors are prioritizing the quality of spending. However, a recent report by ACBAR (Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief) lists many examples of where billions of dollars promised for the reconstruction of Afghanistan has been wasted, ineffective or not transferred at all. Aid constitutes around 90% of all public expenditure in Afghanistan, making aid effectiveness a crucial issue for the development of the country.

http://rubinium.org/blog/

Of the aproximately $25.41 billion of aid that has been committed up to 2008; only 40% been disbursed to date. The ACBAR report also gives many examples of the inefficiencies of donor spending: one example being the reconstruction of a maternity hospital in Kabul. In this project the Italian government contracted the UN Population Fund who then sub-contracted to the UN Office for Project Services, who then sub-contracted to an Italian organization who in turn sub-contracted an Afghan construction company.

The Kabul Press reported that less than half of the total budget allocated for this project was spent on the actual reconstruction and that the end product was so poor it needed further reconstruction. In 2006 the then director of the World Bank in Kabul estimated that 40% of aid was ‘badly spent’.

Much of the aid that has been spent has also been driven by donor priorities instead of being responsive to the needs of Afghanistan. For example, most aid is centralized in Kabul or other urban areas of strategic interest to donors. As a result many of the rural areas have experienced minimal social and economic benefit.

Download the  ACBAR report here.

add to del.icio.us : Digg it : Stumble It! : post to facebook

 

Many people see government as a process of service delivery that should be technically sound and as cheap as possible. But that is not enough.

While technical skills and efficiency are important, effective and democratic government is not possible without transparency and accountability.

http://www.unep.org/

Without accountability, those in positions of power can safely ignore the will of the people. In such cases government may be efficiently doing things that are not useful to citizens.

 To direct and oversee government, citizens need to know what government is doing, who in government is doing it and when they are doing it. Without transparency, citizen participation is less well informed and less effective.

Recent research by the International Budget Project shows that some civil society organizations have developed new forms of citizen oversight over government finances. In the process they are making governments more accountable. They are also empowering citizens to engage in more effective forms of advocacy and thereby make governments more responsive.

http://mylondondiary.co.uk/

Some examples of their impact include:

  • The Uganda Debt Network has implemented new forms of citizen oversight that combat local government corruption;
  • DISHA in India has shown how disadvantaged members of society can lobby government to spend more on them, and 
  • IBASE in Brazil has demonstrated how citizens can be made more aware of the technical issues around  government budgets

Click here to see the full IBP report. And click here to see the six case studies of citizens organizations on which this research was based.

If you liked this post, we would appreciate a vote on any of the links below.

add to del.icio.us : Add to Blinkslist : add to furl : Digg it : add to ma.gnolia : Stumble It! : add to simpy : seed the vine : : : TailRank : post to facebook

The UK’s Africa All Party Parliamentary Group (AAPPG), has just released its report on Strengthening Parliaments in Africa: Improving Support.

The report explores the factors that hold African parliaments back and how international donors can better support them. The report will be on their website later this week. We list some of the findings below.

WHAT SHOULD DONORS DO?

  • Until recently donors have focussed on working with the Executive and often ignored parliaments. Sometimes they even undermined them. There are signs, however, that this neglect of parliaments has been recognised and is changing.  See, for example, the UNDP’s recent work in this regard: http://sdnhq.undp.org/governance/parls/
  • Donors must approach parliaments in their political context and base work on a thorough understanding of the pressures, interests and actors that shape parliamentary power.
  • Parliamentary strengthening will only succeed if it is pulled by a range of local actors, not just pushed by donors. Initiatives must build on local efforts to strengthen parliaments.
  • Development partners must ensure that their work does not marginalise or undermine parliaments and that the parliaments of recipient countries are encouraged to play a full part in development relationships.

What has your experience been of donors’ work with legislares?

Other  findings of the report are:

  • African parliaments are exerting growing influence on how their countries are governed.
  • Despite this growth, insufficient constitutional and other provisions continue to constrain the role of parliaments. Even if they enjoy robust powers on paper, the political realities inside and outside parliament mean that parliaments often fail to exercise effective scrutiny over executives. Problems of institutional capacity also continue to loom large.
  • African citizens and their political leaders are the most important groups for strengthening their parliaments. Development partners can, however, also play a role.

add to del.icio.us : Add to Blinkslist : add to furl : Digg it : add to ma.gnolia : Stumble It! : add to simpy : seed the vine : : : TailRank : post to facebook

Budget support is meant to build democratic accountability for public funds and reduce the amount of red tape involved with donor transactions.

The challenge of budget support is to change the relationship between donors and recipient government as well as between governments and their citizens.

If this is not done, budget support is doomed to be no more than project support by a new name.

Recent research by the International Budget Partnership and Eurodad shows that there is a lot more that donors can do to make Budget Support succeed. They argue that:

  • Donors frustrate the objective of budget support by imposing policy conditions and performance targets.
  • Democratic accountability be an automatic result of budget support – it has to be built.
  • Donor don’t do enough to build democratic accountability.
  • Donors still have better and earlier access to budget information than citizens.
  • Donors participate in the budget process earlier than citizens and their representatives.
  • By the time citizens and legislatures enter the budget process, donor agreements have large been finalized.

Read the full document here in English, Espagnol ou Francais.

add to del.icio.us : Add to Blinkslist : add to furl : Digg it : add to ma.gnolia : Stumble It! : add to simpy : seed the vine : : : TailRank : post to facebook